MASS ARRESTS
OF MEMBERS
OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT
2024
AS A METHOD OF COLLECTIVE GUILT AND PUNISHMENT
HRD is an esteemed non-governmental organisation established in Germany in 2018 by Turkish lawyers, former bureaucrats, and entrepreneurs who are political asylum seekers in Germany and Europe. With a deep understanding of the prevailing human rights violations and the culture of impunity in countries like Türkiye, HRD diligently employs diverse strategies at the national, regional, and international levels to effect lasting change and enhance the circumstances of the victims.
The association “Action for Refugee Aid e.V.” was founded in 2018 by Berliners and refugees who fell victim to political discrimination in Turkey. The aim of the association is, on the one hand, to support refugees in the asylum process and, on the other hand, to help refugees integrate into local society. Another task of the association is to make legal violations (such as persecution) and discrimination in the countries of origin public.
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In Turkey, politically motivated detentions and arrests are carried out against Kurds and members of the Gülen Movement through mass trials and mass arrests. In these cases, suspects or defendants are detained and arrested collectively based on their membership of a particular group, not based on concrete acts committed. There is no individualisation of crimes and punishments. Merely belonging to a specific group is sufficient to be accused of being a ‘traitor’ and ‘enemy of the state’, and evidence and documents of guilt are produced and obtained after the arrest.
The members of the group are considered guilty in advance from the beginning. Therefore, it does not matter which act they have committed concretely. The individual is eliminated, and guilt is created against a group with a collective prejudice. The accusations are directed collectively against all defendants, and they are accused of destroying the country, collaborating with foreign enemies, attempting a coup d’état and being members of a terrorist organisation. It does not matter with which actions they have committed this offence. Although there must be an act, an act of an individual and that act must constitute a violation of the law in terms of criminal law, the completely legal activities of individuals, the books they read, their social media posts, how many children they have, whether they have had an abortion, whether they have disabled children, with whom they chat, with whom they are housemates can be considered sufficient evidence to be shown as a member of a terrorist organisation.
A person’s right to liberty and security is considerably narrowed against political opponents, and even the most natural behaviour can be interpreted as a criminal offence through political interpretation. In many decisions by the United Nations Human Rights organisations so far, it has been found that ‘widespread and systematic imprisonment or other serious deprivation of liberty’ against members of the Gülen Movement has reached the level of crimes against humanity[1].
Indeed, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention emphasises that mass detentions, mass arrests and mass sentences in Turkey are imposed collectively against a group without individualisation of offences and punishments. In its judgment on 94 military students sentenced to life imprisonment in relation to the events of 15 July 2016, it stated that ‘mass trials are contrary to the interests of justice and do not meet fair trial standards, as it is impossible to make a specific assessment of individual responsibility during such trials[2].
The military students were branded as ‘traitors’ and ‘terrorists’ by investigating officers, prosecutors and the press from the outset of the proceedings and the right to the presumption of innocence was denied to all of them. The Working Group noted the Court’s failure to assess each defendant’s responsibility and to individualise the sentence already imposed. In particular, the Working Group emphasises that the presumption of innocence is one of the fundamental principles of a fair trial and, therefore, cannot be derogated from and guarantees that no guilt can be presumed until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt. It thus found a violation of Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the case of 94 military students[3].
Unfortunately, all courts in Türkiye, including the Constitutional Court, continue to justify practices contrary to international principles regarding extended pretrial and pre-trial detention. As a matter of fact, in the Erdal Tercan decision, the Turkish Constitutional Court concluded that the detention of persons arrested for offences related to the Gülen Movement or terrorism-related offences for up to 18 months without being brought before a judge/court does not violate the right to personal liberty and security during the state of emergency[4]. For 18 months, even the Turkish Constitutional Court found the decision to continue detention without being brought before a judge or court lawful. This practice is essential in showing how far the Turkish courts are from the standards of the United Nations Judicial bodies and the European Court of Human Rights. Again, the European Court of Human Rights has demonstrated with its recent judgement that the continued detention of journalist Aysenur Parildak for six months without being brought before a judge or a court violates her rights[5].
According to the findings of the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, many rights defenders (such as Osman Kavala, Eren Keskin, Selcuk Kozagacli, Turan Canpolat) who are being tried and imprisoned by the Turkish state with the threat of imprisonment of 10 years or more, especially human rights defenders and lawyers, are arbitrarily deprived of their freedom and are being held in various prison[6]. One of them, lawyer Ebru Timtik, died in prison as a result of a hunger strike[7].
In Turkey, the mass detentions and arrests of 40-50 people, which are announced by the Ministry of Interior almost every month by social media organs and visual media organs with a big trunk show, have become commonplace practices in arbitrary terrorism accusations and investigations. Hundreds of people are arbitrarily detained and arrested en masse every month, without individualisation of their offences and without being told what offence they are personally accused of, simply because they belong to the Gülen Movement. The government continues to apply hostile criminal law against a group it considers politically criminal and hostile, trampling on the principles of national and international law.
The European Court of Human Rights and the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the reasons for detention and arrest, which have been insistently emphasised as unlawful in dozens of judgements up to this time, continue to be used arbitrarily in today’s Turkey as a method of depriving people of their freedom.
According to the Ministry of Interior’s official statements, a total of 4,022 operations were carried out against the Gülen Movement between 1 June 2023 and 21.02.2024 and 6,045 suspects were arrested[8]. As it can be understood, in 9 months, 6.045 people were detained only because of their membership in the Gülen Movement, without knowing what their offences were, while an average of 672 people were arrested and imprisoned every month. So far, no weapons, explosives, etc., have been obtained during the operations against the Gülen movement. The materials seized with the detained persons are books, electronic materials such as mobile phones and computers and money[9].
When the Justice Statistics of the Ministry of Justice are examined, the number of terrorism investigations, detentions and arrests are examined. According to the statistics, the number of investigations initiated for the crime of armed terrorist organisations under Article 314 of the Turkish Penal Code in 2021 alone is 191,964. In other words, nearly 200 thousand terrorist organisation membership investigations were initiated in the last year alone. Between 2016 and 2021, the number of terrorist organisation membership investigations initiated reached 1,768,530[10]. According to 2022 and 2023 data, it is estimated that the number of people who have been subjected to judicial proceedings, detention, and arrest due to terrorist organisation investigations is 2.2 million people.
Although eight years have passed since the so-called coup attempt on 15 July 2016, mass operations, mass arrests and detentions are continuing without any reasonable, justified and legal grounds to intimidate the members of the Gülen Movement and to make the society accept the perception of a terrorist organisation. A review of the recent judgements of the European Court of Human Rights, as well as the decisions of the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, will reveal how the Turkish state has abused the measure of detention and how it has abused the concept of counter-terrorism and used it as a tool of repression against dissidents.
Statistical data on the types of charges against the Gülen movement against these detentions and arrests, which are carried out regularly and intensively every month, are also crucial in terms of showing the maliciousness of these so-called terrorist operations. The reasons and rates of detentions and arrests are as follows:
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- Having an account at Bankasya[11]: % 35,98
- Confessor and Whistleblower/ Witness Statements: % 31,87
- The Organisation they work for : % 25,59
- Installing/Using Bylock: % 23,71
- Membership to Closed Trade Unions; % 20,45
- Being Named on Filling Lists[12] : % 20, 42
- Having worked in closed institutions; % 16,45
- Sending Children to Closed Schools: % 15,88
- Participating in Conversations/Tours: % 13,90
- Being in contact with the Gülen Movement: % 13,12
- Secret Witness Statements: % 10,36
- Newspaper/Magazine Subscription: % 10,17
- Donating to the Gülen Movement: % 9,96
- Membership to Closed Associations: % 8,58
- Social Environment Information: % 7,20
- Aiding the Organisation: % 5,58
- Receiving a phone call from an angered caller: % 5,25
- Making Opposing Posts on social media: % 3,79
- He doesn’t know what a criminal charge is: % 2,41
- Participating in Protest Actions: % 1, 70
- Becoming a Peace Signatory: % 1,38
- Being Part of the Struggle for Labour and Democracy: % 1,21
- Attempted Coup: %0, 40
- Other: % 3,44
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Amnesty International’s field research and reporting on Türkiye[13] list the reasons for these arrests, detentions, and purges from the public sector similarly. Communicating with senior executives of the Gülen Movement, ensuring communication between members of the Gülen Movement, staying in houses affiliated with the Gülen Movement, participating in various other activities upon the instructions of the Gülen Movement (trips, picnics, meetings, etc.). Organisations do not constitute a justified legal basis for arrest or extension of arrest decisions[15].
Likewise, in the case of Mecit and Others v. Turkey of 12 December 2023 (concerning a total of 82 persons), the 2nd Chamber of the ECHR ruled concerning initial detention orders:
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- Being a user of the ByLock messaging system,
- Having an account at Bank Asya, which is allegedly linked to the Gülen Movement,
- Possession of pro-Gülen Movement publications,
- Possession of one dollar US banknotes with the serial number “F”, which stands for Fethullah Gülen’s initials,
- Working in or being a member of institutions and organisations affiliated with the Gülen Movement,
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The Court has ruled that such acts cannot be grounds for arrest[16].
For the reasons listed above, it is estimated that by 2024, 2.2 million people will have been prosecuted, detained or arrested due to terrorism investigations. According to the official statements of the Turkish state[17], 2.2 million people who had nothing to do with these events have been prosecuted for membership in a terrorist organisation, compared to 4,891 people convicted on the grounds of armed uprising on the night of 15 July 2016 and 4,891 people sentenced for their actual involvement in the events. Between 15 July 2016 and 20 June 2022, 332,884 people were detained on the grounds of being a member of the Gülen Movement; 101,000 of them were arrested, and 104,000 people were subjected to judicial control orders[18]. Those detained between June 2022 and March 2024 are not included in this number.
Europol statistics on the total number of terrorism cases/investigations with convictions and acquittals across Europe due to terrorism investigations. 520 in 2019, 422 in 2020, 423 in 2021, and 2022 427 trials took place in[19].
Again, according to Europol statistics, the number of people arrested for terrorist acts in the European continent as of 2021 is calculated as 388[20]. 260 Jihadist, 64 Right Wing Terrorism, 19 Left Wing Terrorism, 26 Ethno / Separatist / Nationalist, 5 Other, 14 Not Specified). In 2022, the number of terrorist organisation members arrested across Europe is 380. Considering that 2.2 million people were processed in terrorism investigations in Turkey in the period 2016-2023, it is clear that terrorism investigations in Turkey have been abused and used as a weapon against the opposition. Compared to European data, the number of terrorism cases in Turkey in 2022 alone is 38,910, while the number of people charged with being members of a terrorist organisation in these cases is 43,386[21].
AN ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE-LIKE ALGORITHM AND A FETOMETER
In addition to the above criteria used by the Turkish security services and courts for terrorist organisation accusations, detentions, and arrests, in 2019, another system was developed, this time by a member of the armed forces called Fetömetre, which uses algorithmic calculations similar to artificial intelligence to identify criminals[22]. With this algorithmic calculation method consisting of a total of 97 main criteria and 290 subcriteria, reports were prepared on 810 thousand people by using all personal data available to the state[23]; based on this data, people were dismissed from their jobs and at the same time went through detention and arrest phases[24]. Detention, arrest, and conviction procedures continued within the framework of the criteria determined in this system. Moreover, the algorithmic computer system called Fetömetre, which determines whether a person is a member of a terrorist organisation, is used to scan a wide range of information about the person’s spouses, children, first and seconddegree relatives. Such practices contradict entirely the principles of the presumption of innocence and the individuality of offences and punishments. Using the algorithmic system called Fetömetre, nearly a hundred air cadets in their 20s have been sentenced to life imprisonment, and they are still in prison[25].
According to the system developed, for example, never having had an abortion or not having had an abortion even though it was known during the birth control that she would have a disabled child is considered a criterion for being charged with membership of a terrorist organisation[26].
In fact, among the grounds for detention and arrest of women whose husbands/husbands are in prison, there are also grounds such as how she pays the rent for her house, how she makes a living, why she continues to live in the metropolis even though her husband is in prison[27].
Unlawful detentions and arrests continue against the principles of national and international law and against individuals who are disadvantaged in society, such as the disabled, pregnant, elderly, etc., without discrimination. Arrests of sick, severely disabled, elderly people and pregnant women continue on the grounds of arbitrary detention reasons, which are listed at the very beginning of the report above and which have been decided by the ECHR and the UN dozens of times before that they do not constitute a criminal offence. Hundreds of political prisoners/members of the Gülen Movement or members of the Kurdish Movement who have over 90% physical disabilities and are unable to take care of themselves and clean themselves continue to be held in prisons and are only released from prisons when they are in the process of dying or in intensive care[28]. Bilal Konakci, once a policeman himself, who lost his eyes and hands in a bomb disposal operation, is one such person[29].
During this time, Bilal Konakci was sentenced to 7 years and six months in prison for being a member of the Gülen Movement, spent 20 months in pre-trial detention and was only released after prolonged public pressure[30]. Visually impaired lawyer Mehmet Ali Ucar is one of the disabled prisoners who was sentenced to 8 years and eight months in prison solely for having an account in Bankasya, donating to organisations that were closed down, and social media posts[31]. These detainees and prisoners are left to the mercy of other detainees and prisoners in prisons, and all their care, feeding and cleaning needs are met by their fellow prisoners.
These excuses are not taken into consideration for people whose children are severely disabled, who need to work for the care and support of the family and who should, therefore, be tried without remand. On the one hand, the family is condemned to poverty. At the same time, all medical treatment and social care expenses of the disabled child who is out of the country are cut off on the grounds of the arrested member of the Gülen Movement. Suicide incidents occur among families who are under heavy pressure in this way. Seher Bas, whose husband was arrested and imprisoned for being a member of the Gülen Movement, killed her 17-year-old son with Cerebral Palsy and committed suicide herself because all social benefits were cut off[32].
Judge Seyfullah Cakmak, who was arrested on allegations of being a member of the Gülen Movement, despite having two severely disabled children, continued to be kept in prison by cutting off all social benefits for his children, even though he could be tried without remand[33]. Alparslan Altan, who was arrested when he was a member of the Constitutional Court, was not released from prison despite the judgement of the European Court of Human Rights on the violation of his rights and was forced to live separately from his son, who is being treated for autism, for seven years.
Yakup Ali Çetin, the 98% disabled and autistic son of Eyüp Çetin, a teacher with a state of emergency decree, who is imprisoned in Konya E Type Prison, had his disability pension cut off and was forced to live separately from his father[34].
Yusuf Kerim Sayin, who had terminal cancer and was undergoing treatment, was denied release by his mother and had to fight this severe illness alone in the hospital when he needed maternal care the most. Unfortunately, he was not allowed to be with his mother in the last stages of his life and died at[35]. Mahmut Basyigit, who is currently in prison for the 4th term with severe cancer, continues to be imprisoned despite his illness, which is getting worse every day[36].
Members of the Gülen Movement who have seriously ill and disabled children have been subjected to a separate system of punishment, either by arresting the parents at the same time or by arresting the father, who is the breadwinner of the family and can be tried without remand, even though their children need them. Families with seriously ill and disabled children have all kinds of social assistance and insurance cancelled, and a separate punishment process is carried out for the remaining family members.
Political prisoners are subjected to discrimination by the prison administration. Among the discriminatory decisions of the Prison Administrative and Observation Boards are the discriminatory treatment of sick, elderly and pregnant women. Most of the time, referrals to hospitals cannot be made due to a lack of personnel and adequate transport facilities. In the case of hospital transfers, detainees are subjected to severe violations of their rights during the transfers, including strip searches, handcuffed examinations and many other violations of their rights.
TREATMENT CONTRARY TO HUMAN DIGNITY IN DETENTION AND ARREST
Similarly, humiliating and degrading detentions and arrests are commonplace in Turkey. People who can go to testify even when they are invited or even when they are called by phone have their family members taken into custody in front of their children during operations carried out by anti-terrorist teams with heavy weapons in front of their children and by using violence and brute force in these detentions, the members of the Gülen Movement are tried to create the image of a dangerous organisation in the eyes of the public. Up to this day, there has been no resistance, resistance or objection, confrontation, or escape attempt in implementing detention or arrest measures.
Ali Aydeniz, whose daughter was wanted by the police because she worked at a university affiliated with the Gülen Movement, was sentenced to imprisonment for aiding a terrorist organisation just because he protected his daughter and was caught in his car. Ali Aydeniz, who had one of his legs amputated due to diabetes, continued to be kept handcuffed to his bed after the operation[37].
Pinar Sana, a woman who uses a wheelchair whose father is imprisoned for being a member of the Gülen Movement, was subjected to strip searches and treatment contrary to human dignity when she visited her father in prison[38].
JUVENILES AWAITING PUBERTY AND ARRESTED
Another unlawfulness in the implementation of the detentions and arrests is the initiation of new terrorism investigations against persons who were between 12 and 17 years old on 15 July 2016, when the alleged coup attempt took place, and who were children at that time, but who have since turned 18 and have become criminally responsible. Eight years after the so-called coup attempt, terror investigations, detentions and arrests are being carried out against young people who were children at the time.
Based on the world prison statistics, the number of detainees in Turkish prisons in the last ten years, the course of development over the years and the current prisoner figures compared to countries in a similar league are essential in showing the authoritarianism in Turkey in the last ten years. According to prison statistics, Turkey is the country with the highest number of prisoners in prisons in the European Region after the Russian Federation. In other words, it ranks 2nd in Europe in terms of the number of prison prisoners.
On 15 July 2016, a military uprising was carried out in Turkey by some soldiers in the Turkish Armed Forces. The political power announced this uprising to the world as a coup attempt to overthrow the government and democracy and blamed the followers of Fethullah Gülen for this uprising. Fethullah Gülen rejected these accusations and demanded the establishment of an international commission to investigate the so-called military coup attempt, but the political power rejected this demand.
On the grounds of the so-called coup attempt, 2.2 million people were subjected to terrorism investigations. In comparison, approximately 170,000 people were dismissed from public service because they were members of a terrorist organisation. Speaking on behalf of the political power, Presidential Spokesperson Ibrahim Kalin stated that these purges were carried out within the framework of the purification/lustration principle of the state, which was applied in the former East Germany and communist bloc countries.
First of all, it is helpful to analyse the number of people who have been subjected to terrorism investigations and dismissed from public service and the number of military personnel who allegedly participated in the so-called coup attempt. These figures and numbers are essential in showing the magnitude of the purges and counter-coups against the opponents by the political power after the so-called coup attempt.
According to statements made by the political power and the Turkish Armed Forces, a total of 8,651 personnel participated in the events on 15 July 2016. The proportion of the personnel who participated in the so-called coup attempt is 1.5 per cent of the total personnel of the Turkish Armed Forces. One thousand six hundred seventy-six of these personnel are ordinary soldiers without command authority. 1.214 of these personnel are military students studying at military school[39]. When the number of ranked armed forces personnel alleged to have participated in the alleged coup attempt is subtracted from the number of the lowest-ranking soldiers and military students without command authority, this leaves 5,761 military personnel in ranks who were allegedly involved in the alleged coup attempt. Again, according to the official statements of the Turkish Government, a total of 289 cases have been opened against military personnel in Turkey in relation to the so-called coup attempt. 4,891 military personnel were sentenced to imprisonment, 1634 were sentenced to aggravated life imprisonment, 1366 were sentenced to life imprisonment, and 1891 were sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment. In the completed trials, 3,760 people were acquitted. As a result, the number of personnel sentenced to imprisonment in the Turkish Armed Forces for the so-called coup attempt of 15 July 2016 is 4,891 people, and it is claimed that a coup attempt was attempted against the political power with this number of military personnel[40].
Arbitrary deprivation of liberty and arbitrary detention are used as a means of punishment even if it is believed that the persons are innocent and will be acquitted. Imprisonment due to prolonged detention is deliberately abused and turned into a system of punishment for persons who will be acquitted at the end of the trial. According to the judgements of the ECHR and the UN, people who are sure to be acquitted at the end of the trial are deliberately kept in prison for 6-7 years until the decisions of the Constitutional Court and the International Courts turn the detention measure into a punishment. For example, Yakup Simsek, a former employee of the Zaman newspaper, was first sentenced to life imprisonment, then sentenced to 11 years and three months in prison after the Court of Cassation overturned his sentence, and finally acquitted after the Court of Cassation overturned his sentence again. In the meantime, Simsek was imprisoned for six years and seven months, turning his long imprisonment into a punishment system. A person who has been detained for six years and seven months in a trial lasting eight years with a life imprisonment sentence is finally acquitted but is deprived of his freedom for all these years. Even though the first instance criminal courts know that individuals will eventually be acquitted by the European Court of Human Rights or United Nations judgements, they impose a de facto punishment through extended detention until[41]. Political opposition groups are detained for years, even though it is clear that they will be acquitted at the end of the trial, and often, a person who has been arrested for five years or more may be acquitted at the end of the trial. Although the courts and the political power know that the arrested persons have not committed any criminal offence and will be acquitted at the end of the trial, they resort to prolonged detention to punish them
DECISIONS ON CONTINUED DETENTION ARE TAKEN ON CLICHÉD AND SHORT GROUNDS, AND A PERMANENT DETENTION REGIME IS APPLIED
Article 100/3-a of the Code of Criminal Procedure No. 5271 states that due to the existence of a strong suspicion that one of the offences listed in Article 100/3-a of the Code of Criminal Procedure No. 5271 has been committed, the continuation of the detention of the defendants under Articles 100 and following of the Code of Criminal Procedure No. 5271”. Hundreds of people are being tried at the same time and no detainee is mentioned in the decision on “Continuation of detention”. It is not explained which charges are levelled against which detainee and why their detention should continue. Almost all the words and sentences in the judgement are the words in the law. Even though, according to Article 141 of the Constitution, all court decisions must be reasoned, concrete relations must be established between the detainees, and the grounds for detention and detention decisions must be individualised. All detainees are arrested or decide to continue their detention on the same grounds. Through mass arrests, pressures and threats, the psychological deterioration of the detainees and their denunciation of each other’s legal actions and their friends is being ensured. Witnesses are produced from prisoners, witnesses become defendants, and defence and testimony are intertwined. To escape prison conditions, people accept all accusations or are forced to make incriminating statements against their friends by pressure and threats.
Collective arrest warrants or decisions to continue collective detention in mass cases remove individual identities, and soldiers, police officers, housewives, and civil servants are arrested on the same grounds. Such practices contravene Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which regulates a person’s right to liberty and security
While the countries of the European Union and the United States do not regard the Hizmet movement as a terrorist organisation, the Erdogan government and the Turkish state persistently define the Hizmet movement, one of the largest opposition groups, as a terrorist organisation. The report prepared by the Federal Foreign Office and the BAMF clearly states that the German state does not consider the Hizmet movement a terrorist organisation[42].
The decisions of the Austrian Federal Administrative Court also clearly state the position of the European Union and the United States of America[43].
Although the list of terrorist organisations published in the Official Journal of the European Union includes three organisations from Turkey, the Hizmet movement is not considered a terrorist organisation in Turkey and is not recognised as such[44].
The Turkish state repeatedly initiates criminal investigations against individuals who have been tried in criminal courts and imprisoned for years, employing a continuous and unending method of punishment. The fact that individuals have been convicted and have served their sentences does not prevent new criminal investigations and proceedings from being initiated against them. As a rule, the Turkish state and its secret services cannot request the extradition of political criminals due to the prohibition in Interpol law. Therefore, they portray political criminals as ordinary criminals and seek their extradition. They often prepare extradition files for political criminals who oppose the government, particularly for members of the Gülen movement, for crimes such as drug trafficking, child abuse, murder, and assault, and request the extradition of these individuals from European countries based on these allegations. In this manner, the Red Notice and the Interpol system are being misused by the Turkish state[45].
The death of the leader of the Hizmet movement, Fethullah Gülen, who was in exile in the United States, did not result in any change in policy on this issue. Even the Turkish Interior Minister remarked in his press statement regarding the operations: Following Fethullah Gülen’s death, they asserted that they would continue their fight against the Hizmet Movement without relent or retreat.
In 2024, 2,406 individuals were arrested and detained en masse as part of various monthly operations. Merely being a member of the Hizmet Movement is considered sufficient evidence for those apprehended and imprisoned. No explanation is provided regarding the specific crimes these individuals have allegedly committed, the acts of violence or terrorism they have been accused of, or the illegal activities in which they have participated. The Minister of the Interior refers to the police operations against the Hizmet movement as KISKAC (‘KLEMME’). Below are the dates of mass arrests and detentions of members of the Hizmet Movement by the police during 2024 and the number of victims (in 2024 alone: 2,406 people).
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- KISKAÇ 1 No Information No Information
- KISKAÇ 2 No Information No Information
- KISKAÇ 3, 10.01.2024, 38 Person[46]
- KISKAÇ 4, 17.01.2024, 32 Person[47]
- KISKAÇ 5, 23.01.2024, 27 Person[48]
- KISKAÇ 6, 15.02.2024, 42 Person[49]
- KISKAÇ 7, 21.02.2024, 67 Person[50]
- KISKAÇ 8, 23.02.2024, 61 Person[51]
- KISKAÇ 9, 29.02.2024, 47 Person[52]
- KISKAÇ 10, 09.03.2024, 91 Person[53]
- KISKAÇ 11, 29.03.2024, 70 Person[54]
- KISKAÇ 12, 18.04.2024, 60 Person[55]
- KISKAÇ 13, 24.04.2024, 13 Person[56]
- KISKAÇ 14, 02.05.2024, 36 Person[57]
- KISKAÇ 15, 14.05.2025, 544 Person[58]
- KISKAÇ 16, 21.05.2024, 46 Person[59]
- KISKAÇ 17, 24.05.2024, 45 Person[60]
- KISKAÇ 18, 30.05.2024, 90 Person[61]
- KISKAÇ 19, 06.06.2024 72 Person[62]
- KISKAÇ 20, 04.07.2024, 108 Person[63]
- KISKAÇ 21 No Information No Information
- KISKAÇ 22, 15.07.2024, 74 Person[64]
- KISKAÇ 23, 22.07.2024 74 Person[65]
- KISKAÇ 24, 01.08.2024 55 Person[66]
- KISKAÇ 25, 28.08.2024, 20 Person[67]
- KISKAÇ 26, 05.09.2024, 34 Person[68]
- KISKAÇ 27, 14.09.2024, 39 Person[69]
- KISKAÇ 28, 17 09.2024, 13 Person[70]
- KISKAÇ 29, 23.10.2024, 15 Person[71]
- KISKAÇ 30, 19.11.2024, 459 Person[72]
- KISKAÇ 31 18.12.2024 41 Person[73]
- KISKAÇ 32 28.12.2024 93 Person[74]
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According to the Minister of Justice, the number of people currently imprisoned because of their affiliation to the Hizmet movement is 15,050[75]
| Years | Number of Terrorism Measures |
|---|---|
| 2015 | 36.425 |
| 2016 | 155.014 |
| 2017 | 457.423 |
| 2018 | 444.342 |
| 2019 | 310.954 |
| 2020 | 208.833 |
| 2021 | 191.694 |
| SUMME | 1.804.685 |
Although the Turkish state does not provide statistics for the years 2022, 2023, and 2024, the estimated number of individuals under terrorism investigation stands at 2.2 million. In terms of the total number of incarcerated individuals and convicted prisoners, Turkey ranks first in Europe. Presently, 384,216 individuals are housed in prisons, and the overcrowding rate in these facilities is 27.48%[76].
Despite the Yalçinkaya judgment by the European Court of Human Rights in 2023, which possesses the nature of a universally valid, objectively binding decision, the Erdoğan government fails to implement this judgment. This has resulted in hundreds of thousands of precedents, criminal trials, and police raids against members of the Hizmet Movement continuing unabated. The individuals detained and arrested during the KISKAC operations were persons who had previously been detained and sentenced for their affiliation with the Hizmet Movement and had already served their prison sentences.
Those who remain connected to the Hizmet Movement, those attempting to flee abroad, those entering Greece and facing pushbacks, or those exercising their right to seek asylum in European countries, only to be deported, are re-arrested and sentenced to prison by the Turkish state, even if they have already completed their sentences.
Indeed, girls aged between 12 and 17 were arrested for the first time during operations in May 2024 on the grounds that they sympathised with the Hizmet Movement and for the purpose of restructuring. The parents of these children were also arrested.
The European Parliament’s rapporteur on Turkey, Nacho Sánchez Amor, has also sharply criticised the inclusion of girls between the ages of 12 and 17 in terrorism investigations in Turkey[77].
In 2024, the Turkish state witnessed the terrorist militia continuing to violate the principles of the United Nations, resulting in members of the Hizmet Movement disappearing or being abducted. Ultimately, in October 2024, four members of the Hizmet Movement, who were engaged in schools and educational services, were abducted from Kenya and forcibly taken to Turkey[78].
The Turkish state and the Erdogan government persist in designating the Hizmet Movement as a terrorist organisation, despite the lack of validity for this designation under international law. Police raids and mass arrests continue to occur for political motives. For members of the Hizmet movement, emigration to European countries and seeking political asylum is the only viable escape. In this context, it can be presumed that political asylum procedures in European nations will continue through Greece.
REFERENCES
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- Opinion No. 51/2020 concerning Arif Komiş, Ülkü Komiş and four minors whose names are known to the Working Group (Malaysia and Turkiye) Link ↩
- Opinions No. 41/2020, No. 5/2020, and No. 65/2019 ↩
- 95 per cent of the students at the Turkish Air Force Academy and all other military schools were dismissed because they were members of the Hizmet Movement, without any concrete investigation or trial. Collectively, all students have been detained and arrested for attempting to stage a coup d’état, and many have been sentenced to prison terms. A/HRC/WGAD/2020/67 – Opinion No. 67/2020 concerning Ahmet Dinçer Sakaoğlu(Turkiye) Link 1, Link 2 (paragraph 246) ↩
- https://kararlarbilgibankasi.anayasa.gov.tr/BB/2016/15637 (paragraph 246) ↩
- http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#{%22itemid%22:[%22003-7903451-10998055%22]} ↩
- https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TmSearch/SummaryPrint?id=26418 ↩
- https://www.dw.com/de/inhaftierte-anw%C3%A4ltin-ebru-timtik-stirbt-nach-hungerstreik-in dert%C3%BCrkei/a-54727987 ↩
- https://www.icisleri.gov.tr/fetopdy-silahli-teror-orgutune-yonelik-kiskac-7-operasyonlarinda-67-supheliyakalandi ↩
- https://www.tr724.com/kitapli-teror-orgutu-erman-yalaz/ ↩
- https://www.mustafayeneroglu.com/adalet-bakanliginin-2021-adalet-istatistiklerine-yansiyan-silahli-terororgutu uyeligi-yargilamalari-verileri-hk-basin-aciklamasi/ ↩
- ”Bankasya” is an interest-free banking system in which members of the Gülen Movement deposit their money, and it is considered a criminal offence for individuals to invest their financial savings in this bank, even if they take out loans or carry out banking transactions. ↩
- Similar to the Stasi system in East Germany; reports of people who have been informing on individuals to the state. ↩
- https://www.amnesty.org/ar/documents/eur44/9210/2018/en/(page 18-19). ↩
- https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/fre#{%22tabview%22:[%22document%22],%22itemid%22:[%22002-14187%22]}
- https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/tur?i=001-229392 ↩
- https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#{%22itemid%22:[%22001-231793%22]} ↩
- This is the number of 4,891 people convicted by Turkish courts under pressure from the political power and allegedly involved in the coup. These convicted persons have not received a fair and impartial trial. The convicted persons include military students and ordinary privates without any rank. Indeed, although the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has ruled in favour of these individuals, who have been sentenced to life imprisonment, the Government has not implemented these rulings. On 15 July 2016, it was estimated that the number of people who actually used weapons was less than 1000 soldiers. ↩
- For the statements of Süleyman Soylu, Minister of Interior, please see: ↩
- https://www.europol.europa.eu/publication-events/main-reports/european-union-terrorism-situationand-trend report-2023-te-sat#downloads ↩
- https://www.consilium.europa.eu/de/infographics/terrorism-eu-facts-figures/ ↩
- Republic of Turkey Ministry of Justice Official Statistics Programme General Directorate of Judicial Record and Statistics: Link to PDF (Page 70). ↩
- https://www.statewatch.org/publications/reports-and-books/algorithmic-persecution-in-turkey-s-postcoup crackdown-the-feto-meter-system/ ↩
- https://www-tr724-com.cdn.ampproject.org/c/www.tr724.com/cihat-yaycinin-soykirim-kriteri-kurtajyaptirmayan subay-ihrac-edilmis/amp ↩
- https://boldmedya.com/2021/11/25/yayci-metre-kriteri-kurtaj-yaptirmayan-subay-ihrac-edildi/ ↩
- https://kronos36.news/tr/muebbet-hapis-verilen-hava-pilot-ustegmen-cengizhan-efenin-babasihasim-efe-bu cezalar-havaci-pilot-ve-kurmay-tam-fetocu-iste-mantigiyla-verildi/ ↩
- https://www.statewatch.org/media/2943/algorithmic-persecution-in-turkey-fetometer-report.pdf ↩
- https://kronos37.news/ankara-emniyetinden-operasyon-hazirligi-esin-hapiste-kirani-nasil-oduyorsun/ ↩
- https://www.statewatch.org/media/2943/algorithmic-persecution-in-turkey-fetometer-report.pdf ↩
- https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/yerel-haberler/izmir/fetoden-tutuklu-yuzde-98-engelli-gazi-polise-t40348030 ↩
- https://boldmedya.com/2022/10/07/tahliye-edilen-khkli-polis-bilal-konakci-cok-sevinemiyorumgeride-hastalar-ve diger-engelliler-kaldi/ ↩
- https://arrestedlawyers.org/2024/01/30/zulum-ve-keyfilik-avukat-ucarin-turk-yargisindaki-cilesi/ ↩
- https://www.habererk.com/feto-tutuklusunun-esi-engelli-oglunu-oldurup-intihar-etti ↩
- https://www.tr724.com/evde-iki-engelli-cocugun-bekledigi-eski-savci-cakmaki-tutuksuz-yargilayin/ ↩
- https://twitter.com/HastaTutuklular/status/1570472762120212480 ↩
- https://www.yasadikca.com/kanser-hastasi-yusuf-kerim-sayin-tutuklu-annesiyle-gorustu/ ↩
- https://velev.news/gundem/khkli-polis-memuru-mahmut-basyigit-cezaevinde-kansere-yakalandi/ ↩
- https://www.ahmetdonmez.net/yuzde-91-engelli-bir-ayagi-kesik-kalp-ameliyatli-ama-yatagakelepceli-sucu-feto kizini-korumak/ ↩
- https://www.boldmedya.com/2020/12/18/yuzde-95-engelli-7-yasindaki-pinara-cezaevinde-defalarcaciplak-arama/ ↩
- https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/15-temmuz-darbe-girisimi/tskdan-fetocu-asker-aciklamasi/616536 ↩
- For the statements of Minister of Justice Yilmaz Tunc, see: https://www.adalet.gov.tr/adalet-bakani-yilmaz-tunc-15-temmuzu-degerlendirdi ↩
- Link 1, Link 2, Link 3 ↩
- https://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Behoerde/Informationszentrum/Laenderkurzinformationen/2024/ laenderkurzinfo-tuerkei-10-24-guelen.html?nn=403794 (Fussnot 1) ↩
- https://www.ris.bka.gv.at/Dokumente/Bvwg/BVWGT_20240524_L530_2288492_1_00/BVWGT_20240524_ L530_2288492_1_00.rtf ↩
- https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=OJ:L_202402056 ↩
- https://nordicmonitor.com/2024/04/turkeys-abuse-of-interpol-halts-partnership-with-car-an-organization-that traced-isis-explosives-to-turkish-firms/ ↩
- https://twitter.com/siyasetcanli/status/1744972883175043232 ↩
- https://twitter.com/bursabilsin/status/1747502090367258636 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1749793685527498788 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1758004769866625042 ↩
- https://twitter.com/Kulis_Bilgi/status/1760196547852021851 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1760960324751003968 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1763122934724296810 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1766366192044822741 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1773583116352766162 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1780858768399401340 ↩
- https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/turkiye/bakan-yerlikaya-duyurdu-istanbulda-fetoye-yonelik-kiskac-13-2199474 ↩
- https://twitter.com/batuhanhazar89/status/1786068257356530170 ↩
- https://twitter.com/sanliurfagazete/status/1790311659166130222 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1792834190817231138 ↩
- https://twitter.com/Erdemlilerr/status/1793902220985106893 ↩
- https://twitter.com/kayserimnet/status/1796085061407711399 ↩
- https://twitter.com/search?q=K%C4%B1ska%C3%A7%2019%20FET%C3%96&src=typed_query&f=top ↩
- https://sakaryayenigun.com.tr/haber/20794146/29-ilde-fetoye-kiskac-20-operasyonu-108-gozalti ↩
- https://twitter.com/snowtvresmi/status/1812885083285807531/photo/1 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1815393265887174858 ↩
- https://www.hataysoz.com/gundem/fetoye-21-ilde-kiskac-24-operasyonu ↩
- https://twitter.com/__samimiyet__/status/1828674797749866591 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1831554463917539579 ↩
- https://twitter.com/AliYerlikaya/status/1834816754360504741 ↩
- https://twitter.com/mfevzi03/status/1840635642557895036 ↩
- https://twitter.com/HaberAnecom/status/1849008370629407197 ↩
- https://twitter.com/sabah/status/1858770936800936209 ↩
- https://x.com/Hurriyet/status/1869299062337405404 ↩
- https://x.com/yeniasir/status/1873002210692354272 ↩
- https://www.hrw.org/tr/world-report/2024/country-chapters/turkiye ↩
- https://x.com/ArrestedLawyers/status/1876340478959849630 ↩
- https://x.com/masumlaravuslat/status/1869805549065560194 ↩
- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cvgwg5n0y0lo ↩
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