WITCH HUNT IN TURKEY: Stop Mass Arrests!

STATEMENT : 18th October 2022, Concerning Mass Detentions in Turkey

For almost 7 years, mass arrests have been carried out in Turkey against the Gülen movement. Since 2014, more than 5,800[1] police operations have been carried out and, according to official figures, more than 300,000 people have been arrested. On average, at least 70 people are arrested every day.

Thousands of people continue to be detained on charges that do not constitute crimes under the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and United Nations human rights bodies.

Today (October 18, 20222) a new stage of unlawful arrests was launched, detention sentences were issued against 704 people -men, women, young and old- on the grounds that they were “trying to help the families of those in prison or released from them”.

The Minister of Interior Süleyman Soylu[2] stated, “… we have found that about 150 to 300 euros is distributed to these families, and these operations are carried out to arrest the donors and recipients of this aid…”.  

In an environment where nearly two million people have been declared terrorists in the last five years[3] , tens of thousands of people are being fired and as many are being arbitrarily arrested, now those who help the affected families and their loved ones are also being imprisoned.

Widespread and systematic human rights violations in Turkey, currently targeting  a specific social/religious group – the Gülen movement and its members – as well as other ethnic or religious groups such as the Kurdish minority and the Alevis, are actually the result of chronic and deep-rooted problems in the system and Turkey’s unwillingness to live up to its obligations preserved in regional and international human rights conventions.

The recent statement[4] of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in relation to Turkey states,

…that the Working Group has noted a significant increase in the number of cases involving arbitrary detention in Turkey over the past three years. The Working Group expresses grave concern about the pattern followed by all these cases and recalls that, in certain circumstances, widespread or systematic detention or other severe deprivation of liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law may be considered a crime against humanity….

 Against this background, we call on the Turkish government to

  • Immediately cease systematic and arbitrary arrest, prosecution, and detention of political opponents and human rights defenders; drop charges against arbitrarily accused persons, including those detainees who have not been charged in accordance with international standards and against whom there is no credible evidence.
  • Amend laws governing the use of force by law enforcement officers to comply with international legal standards,
  • Initiate relevant amendments to the Criminal Code that prohibit arbitrary detention,
  • Comply with the demands of the UN Human Rights Committee and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and release arbitrarily detained persons and take legal action against those responsible,
  • Amend Article 314 of the Turkish Penal Code and Law No. 3713 (Anti-Terror Law) to be in line with ECtHR jurisprudence,
  • Adopt necessary legislative and judicial reforms to prevent further violations of Articles 5, 6, 7, and 10 of the ECHR.

We call on the UN Working Group Against Arbitrary Detention to

  • to conduct a country visit to Turkey, as a significant period of time has passed since the last visit to Turkey in October 2006.

We call upon the Secretary General of the Council of Europe to

  • Launch a special investigation to uncover the reasons for the non-implementation of the ECtHR rulings.

We call on the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe to

  • Act more decisively in implementing and enforcing the ECtHR’s rulings.

We call on CoE member states to

  • to consider initiating “infringement proceedings” against Turkey, thus demonstrating its determination against political persecution.

We call on the European Union

  • Consider initiating sanctions against those responsible for serious human rights violations in Turkey under the newly adopted human rights sanctions regime,
  • Anchor the modernization of the Customs Union to concrete improvements in democratic reforms in the areas of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as the rule of law and a liberal civil society and pluralism.

We call on international NGOs to

  • Provide more resources to document ongoing human rights violations and practices in Turkey,
  • Consider forming a justice initiative to hold perpetrators accountable under the principle of global justice.
  • advocate before the European Union that perpetrators be sanctioned under the Union’s human rights sanctions regime.

[1] https://humanrights-ev.com/hexenjag-auf-die-gulen-bewegung/

[2] https://www.cnnturk.com/turkiye/son-dakika-ankarada-feto-operasyonu-bakan-soylu-543-kisi-yakalandi

[3] https://twitter.com/myeneroglu/status/1463974412311568386?s=20&t=wckLUQmrW70jYQZ6Fi8lGQ

[4]https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Detention/Opinions/Session89/A_HRC_WGAD_2020_66.pdf Par.67

HEXENJAGD IN DER TÜRKEI: Massenverhaftungen Stoppen!

Presseerklärung I HRD e.V. I 18. Oktober 2022

Seit fast 7 Jahren werden in der Türkei, Massenverhaftungen gegen die Gülen-Bewegung durchgeführt. Seit 2014 wurden insgesamt mehr als 5.800[1] Polizeieinsätze durchgeführt und nach offiziellen Angaben mehr als 300.000 Personen festgenommen. Im Durchschnitt werden täglich mindestens 70 Personen festgenommen.

Tausende von Menschen werden weiterhin aufgrund von Anschuldigungen inhaftiert, die nach den Entscheidungen des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) und der Menschenrechtsgremien der Vereinten Nationen keine Straftat darstellen.

Heute (18. Oktober 20222) wurde eine neue Etappe der rechtswidrigen Verhaftungen eingeleitet, gegen 704 Personen -Männer, Frauen, jung und alt, Haft Urteile erteilt mit der Begründung, sie würden “versuchen, den Familien derjenigen zu helfen, die im Gefängnis sitzen oder von diesen entlassen sind”.

Der Innenminister Süleyman Soylu[2] erklärte, „..wir haben festgestellt, dass etwa 150 bis 300 Euro an diese Familien verteilt wird, und diese Operationen werden durchgeführt, um die Geber und Empfänger von diesen Hilfen festzunehmen…“.  

In einem Umfeld, in dem in den letzten fünf Jahren fast zwei Millionen Menschen zu Terroristen erklärt[3], Zehntausende von Menschen entlassen und Menschen willkürlichen verhaftet werden, werden nun auch diejenigen inhaftiert, die den betroffenen Familien und deren Angehörigen helfen.

Weit verbreitete und systematisch in der Türkei auftretende Menschenrechtsverletzungen, die sich derzeit insbesondere an eine bestimmte soziale / religiöse Gruppe – die Gülen Bewegung und ihre Mitglieder – sowie andere ethnische oder religiöse Gruppen wie die kurdische Minderheit bzw. die Aleviten richten, sind eigentlich das Ergebnis chronischer und tief-verwurzelter Probleme im System und der mangelnden Bereitschaft der Türkei, ihren in den regionalen und internationalen Menschenrechtskonventionen bewahrten Verpflichtungen nachzukommen.

Die jüngste Stellungnahme[4] der UN-Arbeitsgruppe für willkürliche Inhaftierungen in Bezug zur Türkei stellt fest,

…dass die Arbeitsgruppe in den letzten drei Jahren einen deutlichen Anstieg der Zahl der Fälle festgestellt hat, in denen es um willkürliche Inhaftierungen in der Türkei geht. Die Arbeitsgruppe äußert große Besorgnis über das Muster, dem all diese Fälle folgen, und erinnert daran, dass unter bestimmten Umständen eine weit verbreitete oder systematische Inhaftierung oder ein anderer schwerer Freiheitsentzug unter Verstoß gegen grundlegende Regeln des Völkerrechts als Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit gelten kann…

 

Vor diesem Hintergrund fordern wir die türkische Regierung auf

  • Unverzüglich systematische und willkürliche Verhaftung, Verfolgung und Inhaftierung von politischen Gegnern und Menschenrechtsverteidigern zu unterlassen; die Anklagen gegen willkürlich Beschuldigte fallen zu lassen, inbegriffen auch die Inhaftierten, die nicht im Einklang mit internationalen Standards angeklagt wurden und gegen die keine glaubwürdigen Beweise vorliegen.
  • die Gesetze zu ändern, die die Anwendung von Gewalt durch Strafverfolgungsbeamte regeln, um den internationalen gesetzlichen Standards zu entsprechen,
  • Relevante Änderungen im Strafgesetzbuch zu veranlassen, die willkürliche Inhaftierung verbieten,
  • den Forderungen des UN-Menschenrechtsausschusses und der Arbeitsgruppe für willkürliche Inhaftierung nachzukommen und willkürlich inhaftierte Personen freizulassen sowie gegen die Verantwortlichen rechtliche Schritte einzuleiten,
  • Artikel 314 des türkischen Strafgesetzbuchs und des Gesetzes Nr. 3713 (Anti-Terror-Gesetz) zu ändern, um ein Einklang mit den Rechtsprechungen der EGMR zu schaffen,
  • erforderliche Gesetzes- und Justizreformen zu verabschieden, um weitere Verstöße gegen Artikel 5, 6, 7 und 10 der EMRK zu verhindern.

Wir rufen die UN Arbeitsgruppe Gegen Willkürliche Verhaftung auf

  • einen Länderbesuch in der Türkei durchzuführen, da seit dem letzten Besuch in der Türkei im Oktober 2006 ein bedeutender Zeitraum vergangen ist.

Wir fordern die Generalsekretärin des Europarats auf

  • eine spezielle Untersuchung einzuleiten, um die Gründe für die Nicht-Umsetzung der EGMR-Urteile aufzudecken.

Wir rufen das Ministerkomitee des Europarats auf

  • entschlossener bei der Umsetzung und Vollstreckung der Urteile des EGMR vorzugehen.

Wir rufen die CoE-Mitgliedstaaten auf

  • in Erwägung zu ziehen, ein “Vertragsverletzungsverfahren” gegen die Türkei einzuleiten, und somit ihre Entschlossenheit gegen politische Verfolgung zu demonstrieren.

Wir rufen die Europäische Union auf

  • in Erwägung zu ziehen, im Rahmen des neu verabschiedeten Menschenrechtssanktionsregimes Sanktionen gegen diejenigen zu veranlassen, die für schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen in der Türkei verantwortlich sind,
  • die Modernisierung der Zollunion an konkrete Verbesserungen der demokratischen Reformen in den Bereichen Demokratie, Menschenrechte und Grundfreiheiten sowie Rechtsstaatlichkeit und einer liberalen Zivilgesellschaft und Pluralismus zu verankern.

Wir fordern internationale NGOs auf

  • mehr Ressourcen für die Dokumentation laufender Menschenrechtsverletzungen und -praktiken in der Türkei bereitzustellen,
  • in Erwägung zu ziehen, eine Justizinitiative zu formen, um die Täter im Rahmen des Weltrechtsprinzips zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen.
  • vor der Europäischen Union dafür einzutreten, dass Täter im Rahmen des Menschenrechtssanktionsregimes der Union sanktioniert werden.

 

HRD e.V. 

 

[1] https://humanrights-ev.com/hexenjag-auf-die-gulen-bewegung/

[2] https://www.cnnturk.com/turkiye/son-dakika-ankarada-feto-operasyonu-bakan-soylu-543-kisi-yakalandi

[3] https://twitter.com/myeneroglu/status/1463974412311568386?s=20&t=wckLUQmrW70jYQZ6Fi8lGQ

[4]https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Detention/Opinions/Session89/A_HRC_WGAD_2020_66.pdf Par.67

WELTFRIEDENSTAG 2022

Um wahren Frieden zu erreichen, muss man viel mehr tun, als die Waffen niederzulegen.  Er erfordert den Aufbau von Gesellschaften, in denen alle Mitglieder das Gefühl haben, dass sie sich entfalten können. Es geht darum, eine Welt zu schaffen, in der alle Menschen gleich behandelt werden, unabhängig von ihrer Rasse.

Wie UN Generalsekretär António Guterres gesagt hat:

“Rassismus vergiftet nach wie vor Institutionen, soziale Strukturen und das tägliche Leben in jeder Gesellschaft. Er ist nach wie vor eine Ursache für anhaltende Ungleichheit. Und er verweigert den Menschen weiterhin ihre grundlegenden Menschenrechte. Er destabilisiert Gesellschaften, untergräbt Demokratien, untergräbt die Legitimität von Regierungen, und … die Zusammenhänge zwischen Rassismus und Geschlechterungleichheit sind unübersehbar.”

Während weltweit immer wieder Konflikte ausbrechen, die Menschen zur Flucht zwingen, haben wir an den Grenzen rassistische Diskriminierung erlebt. Da COVID-19 unsere Gemeinden immer wieder angreift, haben wir gesehen, dass bestimmte Gruppen viel stärker betroffen sind als andere. Während die Wirtschaft leidet, haben wir Hassreden und Gewalt gegen Minderheiten erlebt.

Wir alle haben eine Rolle bei der Förderung des Friedens zu spielen. Und die Bekämpfung von Rassismus ist ein entscheidender Weg, um dazu beizutragen.

Wir müssen daran arbeiten, die Strukturen abzubauen, die den Rassismus in unserer Mitte verankern. Wir können Bewegungen für Gleichheit und Menschenrechte überall unterstützen. Wir können uns gegen Hassreden aussprechen – sowohl offline als auch online. Wir können Antirassismus durch Bildung und ausgleichende Gerechtigkeit fördern. 

Das Thema des Internationalen Friedenstages 2022 lautet “Rassismus beenden. Frieden schaffen.” Wir arbeiten für eine Welt, die frei von Rassismus und Diskriminierung ist. Eine Welt, in der Mitgefühl und Empathie Misstrauen und Hass überwinden. Eine Welt, auf die wir wirklich stolz sein können.

(By UN:  https://www.un.org/en/observances/international-day-peace)

PRESS RELEASE: International Day in Support of the Victims of Torture

PRESSE MITTEILUNG

BASIN AÇIKLAMASI

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS ON THE GREEK-TURKISH BORDER

On the occasion of the World Refugee Day 2022 we are publishing our new Report: Human Rights Violations on the Greek-Turkish Border & Testimonies of Push Back Victims. 

This report has been prepared to draw attention to the human rights violations that are occurring on the Turkish-Greek border, with a special focus on Turkish asylum seekers, who are trying to take refuge in European countries, fleeing from the AKP Government of the Republic of Turkey, which has recently become increasingly authoritarian. Turkey is gradually moving away from contemporary and institutional democratic values1,2 and is increasingly turning into a kleptocratic authoritarian country that is ruled by the oppression and unlawful practices of the AKP government. Treatment of dissident groups, especially that against members of the Gülen movement, Alevis and Kurds, has become intolerable. According to statistical data, since 2015, 2 million citizens have been investigated on the grounds of their membership of a terrorist organization. Furthermore, nearly 125,000 public officials have been dismissed from their duties, and 4,500 judges and prosecutors were summarily dismissed after the coup attempt in 20163. Executive control and political influence over the judiciary in Turkey has led to courts systematically accepting bogus indictments, detaining and convicting, without compelling evidence of criminal activity, individuals and groups that the Erdoğan government regards as political opponents4. This concern is also mentioned in the European Commission’s Turkey 2021 Report, in its country evaluation, under the section “Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights”5 . Furthermore, the United Nations (“UN”) Human Rights Council Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has underlined the following: “The Working Group expresses grave concern about the pattern established by all these [FETO related] cases […] may constitute crimes against humanity”. It is worth emphasizing here that, under its decision, the UN Human Rights Council Working Group on Arbitrary Detention not only found those measures to be illegal, but also considered them to be a “crime against humanity”6. Since they are not allowed to receive treatment, many prisoners have to try to survive, under difficult conditions, in prisons, and they cannot access adequate health services. People who belong to groups that are considered to be in opposition to the AKP Government under President Erdoğan are found guilty of completely legal acts, such as subscribing to certain newspapers and/ or magazines, being members of certain unions, associations, and foundations, making donations to specific social institutions, or even merely due to the schools that they attended. Opposition members living in Turkey, who find it hard to survive in these harsh conditions, are trying to seek political asylum in European countries by crossing to Greece via the Aegean Sea or the River Maritsa. These people are not economic refugees, but political refugees, who are seen as being enemies by Erdogan’s government. Although international human rights documents grant legal protection to persons with political refugee status, and although Greece, like all other European democracies, has ratified these agreements and included them in its domestic legal code, we are witnessing more frequent push back incidents on the Greek – Turkish border, such actions thus ending with the imprisonment of most Turkish asylum seekers, who are being pushed back into Turkish territory and into the hands of the Turkish security forces. As a result of this, they are being sentenced to prison in Turkey after they are caught. This report has been prepared in order to draw attention to the situations of those political refugees who are fleeing from Turkey, which is happening alongside the problem that Greece has been facing caused by economic migrants from the Middle East who are seeking asylum in EU countries. The current point that has been reached in the migrant crisis has been documented with the testimonies of the victims of these events and their close relatives, and the resulting texts speak of Greece’s concern to protect its borders, the legal situation and the guarantees made by international human rights documents and conventions for political refugees, the severe human rights violations that are experienced by Turkish political refugees, and the push-back experiences of those same asylum seekers who have tried to take refuge in Greece. Chapter 1: Executive Summary & Methodology 2 While there have been Turkish citizens who have drowned and lost their lives7 during these push-back events, there have even been people who, although they were citizens of European countries or had the legal right to reside in European countries8, were still pushed back into Turkey in violation of UN and European human rights accords. These include victims who are citizens of EU countries, such as Germany or France, who were not allowed to leave Turkey by legal means, and who, as a result, crossed the Turkish-Greek border by clandestine means in order to take refuge in Greece, and who were then pushed back into Turkey At the end of this report, we have tried to propose a humane migrant crisis management process by including suggestions that fall within the framework of the guarantees that have been brought by international law and universal human rights documents. This report has been prepared jointly by nongovernmental human rights organizations that are located in the European Union countries and in the United States of America. 

METHODOLOGY 

The events and narratives in this report have been prepared by interviewing victims who have experienced push-back from Greece into Turkey. Information about the identities of those people who are involved in the events that are mentioned in the report are kept confidential, and in the case that there is any international investigation or research, the identity and contact information relating to these victims will be shared with the relevant authorities. Some of the victims were able to evade capture by the Turkish security forces upon their forced return, but the majority of those Turkish citizens who have been pushed back over the border have been detained by Turkish security forces, and have eventually been arrested and incarceratedby the courts. The majority of these victims are still imprisoned. Based on letters that these victims have written from prison, or the letters and documents that they have sent to their relatives, all the events have been turned into written documents. A certain number of victims, after being pushed back during their first border crossing attempt, were finally successful as a result of their 2nd or 3rd attempts to cross the border did not have the consequence of their being caught and pushed back. Part of the narrative in this report is based on the testimonies of those people who were able to reach European countries without being caught by the Turkish and Greek security forces, and who have achieved residency status in Europe as a result of family reunification decisions. During the preparation of the report, the testimonies of those lawyers in Greece who represented political refugees from Turkey were also consulted. Above all, we would like to thank Rana Özcelik form the European Justice Initiative, who helped us in conducting the interviews. This report was written by Lawyers, Political Scientists and Journalists in both Europe and the United States. Dr. Mustafa Yasar Demircioglu HRD e.V. Law Commission

 

The Report in German Language: 

Hexenjag auf die Gülen – Bewegung

Seit 2014 geht der türkische Staatsapparat gezielt gegen die Gülen Bewegung und

dessen Sympathisanten vor. Eins der wichtigsten Instrumente, welches von den türkischen

Sicherheitsbehörden und der Justiz benutzt wird, sind die täglichen Wellen von willkürlichen

Verhaftungen von Menschen, denen vorgeworfen wird, von Gülen inspiriert zu sein.

Insgesamt wurden seit 2014 mehr als 5.830 Massen-Verhaftungswellen1 durchgeführt und mehr

als 134.000 Menschen festgenommen. Durchschnittlich werden täglich in mindestens drei

Operationen bis zu 70 Personen inhaftiert. Als HRD e.V. präsentieren wir hier unser neues Bericht dass auch in Englisch. 

TURKEY: STATE OF EMERGENCY INQUIRY COMMISSION (SoEC)

Nor Independent, Nor Impartial: An Obstacle To Access To Justice




REPORT: NO COUNTRY FOR PURGE VICTIMS

Lives of the purge victims are in shambles three and half years after the end of the state of emergency

Purged civil servants in Turkey and their next of kins are being discriminated against and blacklisted from public programmes and applying for new jobs.

 

The Arrested Lawyers Initiative and Human Rights Defenders e.V documented at least 30 types discriminatory practices denting the sacked officials’ ability to work in an attack on their livelihoods in their new report titled No Country for Purge Victims.

 

Besides being sacked from their positions these practices are affecting all aspects of their social and economic lives including areas such as care allowance insurance, disability subsidies, tax concessions and the right to work.

 

The report reveals that purged civil servants are blacklisted in the databases of the Employment and the Social Security Agencies and consequently in all of the databases of all public and quasi-public entities – how these people were dismissed under an Emergency Decree is also recorded in such databases.

 

Besides having been blacklisted, circulars and dictums published by various public entities ban the purge victims from either participating in public programmes such as employment courses, benefitting tax concessions or scholarships, acquiring a new profession, or working in the most basic jobs such as school bus driver.

 

In addition, purged civil servants cannot be foster families or even worse have their adopted child taken away from them, plus purged civil servants are also discriminated against in relation to Covid-19 economic relief and natural disaster aid.

 

The report finds that these indefinite secondary sanctions constitute a penalty under Article 7 of ECHR.

 

Turkey’s ad hominem dismissal decrees may be characterized as a penalty, rather than a temporary measure in light of: (i) the scope and severity of consequences of dismissals and its perpetual status (explained in the first blog post); (ii) that dismissals entail deprivations heavier than those for a convicted felon; (iii)  that dismissals do not comply with PACE Resolution 1096 and the Guideline on Lustration; and (iv) ECtHR’s case law on the definition of punishment within the meaning of Art 7 § 1 of the ECHR.

 

In conclusion, the report reveals how the basic fabric of daily life is being denied to those officials that have been dismissed.

 

“Even opening a bank account becomes a difficult challenge as laws are tailored to make it inaccessible to them. While military service, whose structure is clearly defined in laws, is imposed on purge victims in different ways, in clear departure from the procedure,” says the report.

 

The list of bans or practices, as documented by the report, illustrates the depth of agony and sufferings inflicted on sacked workers as private companies increasingly collaborate with authorities or act in fear of political backlash to deny the basic services to people in the post-coup era.

 

 

The report adds: “The emergency rule, more than one and a half years after its end, remains to be in place with dire consequences for its targeted population. This reality, often overlooked and ignored by observers, needs to be taken into account when analyzing the state of political and legal affairs in Turkey.”

 

Professor Helen Duffy (@HelenDuffy_HRP), Prof. of International Human Rights & Humanitarian Law at  Leiden University, Director of Human Rights in Practice:

Where vague and broad-reaching ’emergency’ measures are imposed without a clear legal framework, due process of law and effective remedies before independent courts, and  their effects are extended beyond the state of emergency to become the new normal, it is the death knell for a society governed by law. The implications of the purging of public sector workers, human rights defenders and others in Turkey are profound, for the full range of economic, social, civil and political rights of those directly affected and their families, for democracy and rule of law.

 Professor of law, Kerem Altıparmak (https://twitter.com/KeremALTIPARMAK)

Although state of emergency decrees are not, as far as the domestic law is concerned, the same as conviction handed out following criminal proceedings, they, as far as their implications are concerned, have even more serious implications than having been convicted and having served the sentence. This shows that having been purged by a state of emergency decree has, in terms of the nature of crime and its condemnability, very similar implications to that of being punished through criminal proceedings. This has nevertheless been carried out without a fair trial and without allowing the people concerned a right to defense. Since the enactment of first state of emergency decree, I have been arguing from the start that ad hominem listing of people in state of emergency laws is punishment in the sense of Article 6 of European Convention of Human Rights and I am in the opinion that no one may be punished as such without having a fair trial first. 

Professor of political science, Ümit Cizre (https://twitter.com/umitcizre)

Let us voice and support the struggle to remain alive of the victims of emergency decree laws who have truly been condemned to civil death through outright bans, deprivation of rights and discrimination. Those valued brothers and sisters of us have for years been in a heart-wrenching struggle to exist which should shake to the core even the most apolitical person. It is not possible to give them back what they might have already lost. All in all, what needs to be done is quite usual, natural and minimum: as individuals and the society as a whole, to demonstrate sensibility instead of “ignorance”; as politicians/political parties, press on with determined intervention and pressure.

 

A list of other discriminatory practices can be found below:

  1. Purged civil servants are blacklisted in the databases of the Employment and the Social Security Agencies with the code 36/OHAL/KHK
  2. Purged civil servants cannot be foster families
  1. Purged civil servants cannot be mayors, aldermen or mukhtars (a local elected administrator for villages).
  2. Purged civil servants cannot be lawyers
  3. Purged civil servants cannot be accountants
  4. Purged civil servants cannot work as architects, engineers, laboratory workers, or as technicians in building inspection companies
  5. Purged civil servants cannot attend vocational courses
  6. Purged civil servants cannot work in private educational institutions
  7. Purged civil servants cannot work as sailors
  8. Purged civil servants cannot work as on-site (workplace) doctors, or as occupational safety specialists.
  9. Purged civil servants are denied the licenses needed to run businesses.
  10. Purged civil servants who work as veterinarians cannot have an artificial insemination certificate and cannot perform their professional duties in agricultural support programs.
  11. The database of the General Directorate of the Land Registry (TAKBIS) includes a list of suspicious people which consists of those dismissed under emergency decrees. Those included on this list cannot participate in real estate transactions, either as a party (vendee or vendor) or as a witness.
  12. Upon an instruction by the Ministry of Justice, the Union of Turkish Public Notaries produced a list of suspicious people, which consists of those dismissed under emergency decrees. People included on this list cannot carry out any procedures as notaries, other than giving power of attorney. This means that they cannot carry out hundreds of legal procedures, including selling their cars or signing construction contracts.
  1. The database for the Social Relief Program (SOYBIS) includes a list of those who have been dismissed under emergency decrees. Disabled people whose first caregivers (such as parents, sons, daughters, sons-in-law and daughters-in-law) are dismissed under emergency decrees, cannot benefit from social care funds.
  1. Those dismissed under emergency decrees, and their spouses and children, cannot benefit from the General Health Insurance for people with a low income and from the social rights that are offered to disabled people.
  2. Purged public servants cannot have passports and travel documents.
  3. Purged public servants cannot open bank accounts and are discriminated against in financial transactions and procedures
  4. Purged public servants are discriminated against in regard to insurance services
  5. Purged public servants are discriminated against in relation to business development and incentive credits.
  6. Purged public servants are discriminated against in relation to mandatory military services
  7. Purged academics are discriminated against in academic publishing.
  8. Purged public servants cannot enter the exams for associate professorships.
  9. Purged public servants cannot receive science scholarships.
  10. Purged public servants and their families are discriminated against in relation to university admissions and tuition fees.
  11. Purged public servants cannot be school bus drivers.
  12. Purged public servants are discriminated against in taxation.
  13. Purged physicians (M.D.) are not admitted to programmes leading to specializations in medicine
  14. Purged public servants are discriminated against in relation to COVID19 economic reliefs.
  15. Purged public servants are discriminated against in terms of natural disaster aid.